A New Deal – Style Industrial Policy is Crucial

Here is a great post. Please read it. Excerpt:

A New Deal – style industrial policy is crucial as well for over the politically elusive, white working class. The New Deal was successful in creating a lasting political coalition because it created lasting political constituencies. As a result of the wide range of people it helped: Social Security for seniors, labor unions for workers, subsidies for small farmers, and jobs for the unemployed, these groups were brought into the Democratic party and stayed there for nearly forty years.

Stop The Teabaggers, Give Them Green Jobs: Lessons From the Coalfields of West Virginia

1 thought on “A New Deal – Style Industrial Policy is Crucial

  1. But are you picking up that Chris Bowers at OpenLeft is predicting a three seat Republican gain in the Senate. The R’s have double digit lead in the Dodd, Reid, and ex Biden seat.
    Plus ignore this from a bone-headed Repub speechwriter:
    At the same time, as William Galston of the Brookings Institution points out, public trust in government remains “close to all-time lows.” “Even when President Obama’s popularity was at an all-time high, in March and April, trust in government barely moved off the lows of the fall. Obama’s personal popularity did not translate into a belief in the efficacy and integrity of government.”
    Add to this the fact that one of the main sources of revenue to fund Obamacare is reductions in Medicare. Many seniors are naturally concerned that proposed cost constraints in this program might eventually mean service constraints. And it doesn’t help that cuts in Medicare would be used to fund someone else’s entitlement, instead of strengthening Medicare itself.
    Democratic partisans still insist that imposing reform by a “go-it-alone” strategy is possible and necessary. The political cost, the argument goes, has already been paid. Why not reap the political benefit by pleasing the base? Didn’t we see, in 1993 and 1994, the cost of coming up empty on health reform? It can’t happen again.
    This might make sense if the main obstacle was Republican resistance to a popular bill. But it isn’t. Democrats are fighting against a swift current of fiscal responsibility, widespread skepticism about government and resentment against the use of Medicare as the smashed piggy bank for reform.
    A party-line, Democratic transformation of American health care in this environment — in the midst of decisively losing a public argument — would smack of power-hungry radicalism, more the liberalism of Robespierre than Jefferson.

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